From January through August, 2015, the number of Islamic
State (IS) followers in Libya doubled. The rapid expansion of the IS in Libya
and its threat to the region deserve more scrutiny.
Islamic State terrorists executing Ethiopian Christians in Libya, April 2015 |
Not much is known about IS’s beginnings in Libya, other than
it took advantage of a time of weak central authority. weak national identity and the absence of national
political consensus.
Politically, the movement touts “universal jihad” and
is known for the rapid deployment of its forces and its brutal cruelty. IS fighters quickly took over
Sirte and vital infrastructure and institutions earlier this year. The extreme cruelty with which its fighters carry out executions has been widely publicized.
The Islamic State parades through Muammar Qaddafi's home town of Sirte, Feb. 2015 |
The organization's international dimension can be
seen in the diverse Arab nationalities of its leadership and the fluidity of
change among leaders. This year five IS leaders in Libya were killed. Abu
Bara al-Yemeni was the first. His death was followed by the assassination of Imad Sahd, a Libyan. Subsequnelty, Muftah al-Ghuwaiel, the head of the assassination section of IS, was killed, followed by Basheer al-Darsi, another Libyan. The fifth leader to be killed was the Saudi, Abu
Azzam al-Jazrawi. None of the killings weakened the movement. Each time a
leader fell, he was quickly replaced.
The current leader of the IS in Libya goes by
the nom de guere, “al-Khazemi,” and is thought to be a Yemeni national. He is supposedly acting as a
governor and representative of IS head Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. Meanwhile, the logistics
section is headed by Abu Nabil al-Anbari, an Iraqi. Many nationalities make up the movement. In
the area of al-Qardabiya, near Sirte, Tunisians, Saudis, Yemenis, Iraqis and
others rub shoulders.
The rapid deployment of IS in a strategic area such
as Sirte, in the middle of the Libyan coast, is a sign that the movement has a
specific plan that starts with occupying large areas in Libya and will soon
threaten neighboring countries.
What is really frightening is that ISIS ideology is
starting to take root in many Libyan cities. This situation may seem normal
considering the absence of legitimate authorities and their services. To
satisfy needs, people simply turn to the strongest hand available.
Reports in areas under ISIS influence indicate a
growing adherence by local populations to the ideals of a caliphate and their
acceptance of takfiri ideology, including the killing of opposing groups.
In this respect, researchers have demonstrated that
Salafist and takfiri ideologies, such as the ones held by IS and al-Qa'ida,
are the direct offspring of Muslim Brotherhood ideology. The latter meets with the
former in rejecting any national boundaries of the Islamic umma and believes
in the universal character of the Islamic state.
This ideological belief explains, in large measure, how extremist religious movements
in Libya have easily accepted leadership from non-Libyans, because it is concomitant
for those who accept the IS' ideology to accept the removal of territorial or
tribal boundaries and unconditionally adhere to "universal jihad." Sooner or
later, the IS ideology in Libya will represent a threat to neighboring
countries. Preventive measures must be taken, including increased border
patrols and controls, improved intelligence gathering and fighting smuggling,
the backbone of IS financing in Libya.
Credible reports cite two main sources of IS
funding. The first is the spoils of war resulting from raiding “enemy” territory or
acts of banditry known in jihadist jargon as ihtitaab. Sources have reported the
disappearance of $36.6 million en route from the Central Bank of Libyan to
Sirte. Rumurs point to the IS's Libyan leadership. The IS also derives substantial income from selling
drugs, hallucinogenic pills and arms.
Given the IS's presence, Libya’s political future is dark
indeed. The danger is not so much the IS's terrorist acts, as it is that other
Libyan factions are fighting each other rather than presenting a unified front
against the terrorist movement. If Libyan factions do not steer away from fratricidal
policies and accept the principle of power sharing, ISIS will swallow up
whatever is left of the Libyan territory.
The IS's continued control of a large area of Libya
will eventually lead to the creation of a “no man’s land” along the country’s
borders. Recently, a Libyan border patrol unit withdrew from the Egyptian
border. This disturbed Egyptian border authorities who fear a degrading of their surveillance system and it is feared
there will be an increase in arms smuggling into Egypt.
Algeria has doubled the number of soldiers on its Libyan
border and Tunisia began building a sand-and-dirt wall along its frontier at a
cost of more than $51 million.
Let’s not forget that Arab League decisions have not
gone beyond the level of rhetoric and propaganda. It will become increasingly necessary to tackle
the situation in Libya through multiple regional conferences aimed at bringing
various factions in the Libyan conflict — except the jihadists — to the
negotiation table.
If that approach fails, the security threat in the region will
increase day by day until it will no longer be able to be circumvented. This in turn will push other
North African countries to invest in weapons rather than desperately needed development projects.
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